If there was an enduring message from last weekâs Root Institute, it was in the Rev. William Barberâs closing remarks, in which he reminded the audience to not be distracted by the sometimes cartoonish personalities behind some of the worst political arguments of our time.
âThey donât like Trump because heâs saying out loud what youâre not supposed to say out loud. But they love the policies,â Barber said. The âtheyâ are politicians and the powerful who know that Trumpism isnât a new phenomenon but only the most modern rebrand of a strain of cynical politics whose lineage Barber sermonically traced back through the Nixon-eraâs âSouthern Strategyâ and to the statesâ rights arguments under which Southern conservatives banded together from Reconstruction through segregation.
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Whether the vector was blustering buffoon like Trump, a militant segregationist like George Wallace or a shadowy political operative like Lee Atwater, the goal always was, and remains the same: pick a scapegoat (Black folks, as a rule) and use the threat of their advancement to scare other people into voting for an agenda that only benefits the powerful. And if that means disenfranchising the vast majority of Americans of any stripe along the way, so be it.
This is a story about voting rights, and how millions of us are in jeopardy of losing them if an obscure case coming before the Supreme Court soon goes left.
That case, known as Moore v. Harper, comes from Barberâs home state of North Carolina, where Republican legislators are upset that courts at the state level tossed out their gerrymandered voting map. Thatâs not unusual: both political parties are guilty of trying to use redistricting to give themselves an advantageâalthough Republicans have been much more successful at itâand courts at the state and federal level have long held partisan legislators in check by ruling on the legalities of their maps.Whatâs different about this case, though, is that some Republicans wanted to lose at the state level so they could try out a new legal strategy in front of the Supreme Court. The idea, per CNN, is to argue that the Constitutionâs elections clause gives state legislatures almost total power over elections procedures. If the stacked Supreme Court were to agree, it could open the door for states like Georgia and Texas, which enacted restrictive new voting laws based on baseless theories about voter fraud in 2020, or Florida, where Gov. Ron DeSantisâ new election police force was signed into law this yearâto act without fear of reprieve from courts in their states.
Under the theory, state legislatures should be able to set rules in federal elections without being held in check by state constitutions either through interpretation by state courts or by the functioning of commissions created under state constitutional reforms.
Traditionally, legislatures have set ground rules for conducting an election, but have not acted alone or with the final word. Processes set in place have been subject to intervention by election administrators and state courts.
But the strictest reading of the independent state legislature theory says that state courts, when it comes to federal elections, must stay out.
Itâs a statesâ rights argument that wouldâve made former Mississippi Gov. Rees Barnett proud; even at the height of the battle over legalized segregation in the South, when Barnett argued that statesâ rights literally existed before the states themselves, he didnât go as far as arguing that that meant not even Mississippi judges were powerless against the legislature on voting.
More frightening, Republican state legislators wouldnât stop there. The argument that state courts arenât explicitly enabled by the Constitution to rein in wayward voting maps would almost certainly be tested for other applications. And if the courts are stripped of the ability to strike down gerrymandered voting districts, the same legislators who drew those districts could, theoretically, keep redrawing them to ensure they hold a majority, accountability be damned.
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